From the Diary of a Taino Girl: Colombian Exchange Changes

June 1520

sugar cane crops were the largest cash crops grown in colonial Hispaniola

Final phase of the small pox virus, the puss filled blisters 

 Fernando and I have been officially married for a year now and though he is a Spaniard, it casts no shadow on the love that I have for him. I have become fluent in not only his language but his ways of living as well. After our wedding ceremony, Fernando promised me that unlike many of the other Spaniards who have moved here, he would not subject the people in my Yukayeke (village) to the encomienda policy enforced by his people. This warmed my heart to know that he loves myself and my people enough to do this however, it is of not the same significance that it would have been only a year ago. Over the years, Aracoel always told me stories about the lives of my mother, aunts and cousins before they were lost to the great sickness. She says that we were a large, but close family and it is because of our closeness that they all perished so quickly. Aracoel always marks the time of the Spaniards arrival as the starting point of the fever and it was my aunt Shai'a who we lost first. "At first, we thought it was only a fever, and then she could not keep even the smallest amount of Anaiboa (starchy white juice taken from the Yuca plant used to make a sweet drink) in her bell, and after many days of suffering, her skinned turned white with the sores that after only a few more days would mark her death." After my Shai'a's death, it was not just my family that was quickly wiped away, but there were eighty three others in our village of about 120 who fell to the fever as well. It is a miracle that Aracoel and I were able to survive and it is part of the reason she remains so true to her religion and still will not commit to being a Cath-lic. After this first fight with sickness, we were able to partially rebuild our numbers and were beginning to thrive again. Shortly after the sickness passed, the Spaniards began bringing with them many new plants, foods and even beasts. The beast came with them first, and when I was about six years old, I saw the first beasts that I now know as the vaca (cow), caballo (horse), and cerdo (pig). When these animals first arrived, they were at first feared by our people, until we realized that they could be of great use to us. With their animals now here and our population making a slow recovery, the Spaniards soon brought us new crops and darker people that they referred to as Africanos. They began to clear out large areas of our lumber in order to plant these new crops. The majority of our remaining people and the new Africanos were all sent to work on these lands and soon, we were growing large amounts of azucar (sugar). The caballo was used in these fields to help workers move large amounts of the azucar around the mill. The labor needed to work in these mills were terrible especially during the hot seasons. Many of our people began to perish and soon we were not only greatly out numbered by the Spaniards, but the Africanos as well. I find myself to feel very grateful for my marriage to Fernando because neither I nor my Aracoel or my new baby will be subject to the life of a field hand.

Map of Columbian Exchange Products

Sugar quickly became an
important New World export that displaced honey as the main sweetener in Europe. Sugar cane was one of the first new products to be
produced in Hispaniola, and the first sugar mill appeared on the
island in 1516. By the 1530s there were 34 mills on the island, including some owned by Corte´s. Warmer climate favored sugar, and
Portuguese transplanted sugar cane to Brazil, which eventually became the world’s largest producer. Bananas are another warm
weather transplant. They were brought from the Canary Islands to
Hispaniola in 1516 (Crosby 1972: 68).



New plants and animals were used first by Spanish settlers, but
eventually indigenous farmers adopted them as well. The speed of
adoption was increased by the massive decline in the native population. Some marginal traditional cropland was converted to pasture,
and large land grants to colonists speeded the adoption of European
technology. Food preparation also changed, as natives introduced
animal fat into their cooking. The resulting fusion food was also different from European food that relied on olive oil or butter for cooking oil.
3

The list of infectious diseases that spread from the Old World to the New is  The list of infectious diseases that spread from the Old World to the New is

long; the major killers include smallpox, measles, whooping cough, chicken pox,  long; the major killers include smallpox, measles, whooping cough, chicken pox,

bubonic plague, typhus, and malaria (Denevan, 1976, p. 5). Because native popula- bubonic plague, typhus, and malaria (Denevan, 1976, p. 5). Because native populations had no previous contact with Old World diseases, they were immunologically  tions had no previous contact with Old World diseases, they were immunologically

defenseless. Dobyns (1983, p. 34) writes that “before the invasion of peoples of the  defenseless. Dobyns (1983, p. 34) writes that “before the invasion of peoples of the

New World by pathogens that evolved among inhabitants of the Old World, Native  New World by pathogens that evolved among inhabitants of the Old World, Native

Americans lived in a relatively disease-free environment. . . . Before Europeans  Americans lived in a relatively disease-free environment. . . . Before Europeans

initiated the Columbian Exchange of germs and viruses, the peoples of the Amer- initiated the Columbian Exchange of germs and viruses, the peoples of the Americas suffered no smallpox, no measles, no chickenpox, no inl icas suffered no smallpox, no measles, no chickenpox, no inl uenza, no typhus, no  uenza, no typhus, no

typhoid or parathyroid fever, no diphtheria, no cholera, no bubonic plague, no  typhoid or parathyroid fever, no diphtheria, no cholera, no bubonic plague, no

scarlet fever, no whooping cough, and no malaria.” scarlet fever, no whooping cough, and no malaria.”

Although we may never know the exact magnitudes of the depopulation, it is  Although we may never know the exact magnitudes of the depopulation, it is

estimated that upwards of 80–95 percent of the Native American population was  estimated that upwards of 80–95 percent of the Native American population was

decimated within the i decimated within the i rst 100–150 years following 1492 (Newson, 2001). Within  rst 100–150 years following 1492 (Newson, 2001). Within

50 years following contact with Columbus and his crew, the native Taino popu- 50 years following contact with Columbus and his crew, the native Taino population of the island of Hispanola, which had an estimated population between  lation of the island of Hispanola, which had an estimated population between

60,000 and 8 million, was virtually extinct (Cook, 1993). Central Mexico’s popula- 60,000 and 8 million, was virtually extinct (Cook, 1993). Central Mexico’s population fell from just under 15 million in 1519 to approximately 1.5 million a century  tion fell from just under 15 million in 1519 to approximately 1.5 million a century

later. Historian and demographer Nobel David Cook estimates that, in the end,  later. Historian and demographer Nobel David Cook estimates that, in the end,

the regions least affected lost 80 percent of their populations; those most affected  the regions least affected lost 80 percent of their populations; those most affected

lost their full populations; and a typical society lost 90 percent of its population  lost their full populations; and a typical society lost 90 percent of its population

(Cook, 1998, p. 5)

Sources

1.) Grennes, Thomas. "The Columbian Exchange and the Reversal of Fortune." http://www.cato.org/pubs/journal/cj27n1/cj27n1-8.pdf

2.)"The First Edition of the Modern Taino Dictionary." http://members.dandy.net/~orocobix/tedict.html

3.)Nunn, Nathan and Qian, Nancy. "The Columbian Exchange: A History of Disease, Food and Ideas." http://www.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/nunn/files/Nunn_Qian_JEP_2010.pdf